Do CounterPunch, Abril 8, 2021
Por HARLEEN KAUR BAL
Outside the Indian Embassy in Washington, D.C., a saffron-turbaned man distributes water bottles to families of protestors with signs reading, “No Farmers, No Food.” The protest represents growing international concern, particularly from Indian diaspora communities, towards Indian farmers peacefully protesting recent farm bills that would deregulate Indian agriculture.
As the protest concludes in D.C., my family and I leave; a woman stops us, spotting our posters. She asks me, “it makes sense that protests are going on there [India], but why are you all protesting here?” She was really asking, in an era of protests, why the hell should the global community care and why have these particular protests gathered such sustained momentum? The answer lies not so much in what the protests counter, but how protesters are actually protesting in New Delhi.
The eerie parallel of images of Sikh protestor Ranjit Singh’s face under the boot of an Indian police officer and the photo of an American policeman’s knee on George Floyd’s neck reminds us that injustice unchecked reverberates beyond borders. For over four months, farmer protesters have peacefully camped in their tractors and trolleys outside New Delhi. India’s farm bills, aimed at deregulating agriculture, would abruptly halt farmers’ agrarian livelihoods and cause ecological degradation, a shift reminiscent of American agricultural deregulation that historically crippled small-scale farmers and accelerated desertification.
The demonstrators face teargas and water cannons from police officers, as well as violence from extreme right-wing supporters of Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). India’s government has repeatedly blocked internet, cell service, and water access at protest sites. Yet, the government’s attempts to quietly suffocate a growing protest have failed, due to the unwavering unified nature of the protests. In previous months, Rihanna and Greta Thunberg’s tweets in support of the farmers have placed an international spotlight on the issue. As the U.S. faces its own mounting political and cultural polarization in the wake of Trump, India’s protests reveal a promising antidote to growing right-wing populism and ethnic nationalism abroad.
With help from polarizing rhetoric, the best fertilizer for the weed of right-wing populism lies in limiting one’s identity to a particular religion, ethnicity, or political party. Modi’s BJP represents an increasingly narrow idea of “Indian,” one that aligns with a Hindu nationalist image. Here in the States, the fallout from Trump’s administration reminds us of a particular growing conception of Americanness confined to white supremacy and party affiliation. When we limit our identity to narrow in-groups, we create an “us” and inevitably create a “them,” as exhibited by the growing polarization within India and the U.S.
In his poignant article published shortly after Trump’s election, Andrés Rondón articulates strategies for countering populism by resisting polarization and locating common ground with others. By embodying these strategies and more, the farmers’ protests in India represent the antithesis of populism and serve as blueprint for countering such polarization. The protests represent a diverse assemblage of religious identity, caste, political affiliation, age, and vocation. Protesters include farmers, celebrities, and middle class urbanites united by a universal concern for food and farming. We all must eat, and food comes with no demographic.
In broadening Indian identification beyond religious or class-based affiliation, the protestors have turned protest sites into a shared commons, spatially and ideologically. On a daily basis, protesters offer food to policemen and the impoverished in the tradition of the Sikh free kitchen (langar) run on voluntary service. Field hospitals organized by protestors serve police officers and demonstrators alike. These radically collectivist efforts minimize polarization and contempt for the abstract “Other,” no small feat against Modi’s strongarm tactics. While most protests today deepen identity-based divisions (remember the Capitol insurrection?), India’s protesters represent a rare, diverse assemblage of religion, caste, age, and vocation united by a universal concern for food and farming.
This is what we should learn from the farmers’ protests— how to face growing polarization by arming oneself with pluralism, inclusiveness, and peaceful democratic opposition. In the U.S. and India only these sorts of efforts can serve as an antidote to the disease of radical populism and constricted identity politics.
It is no coincidence that the farmers’ protest in India represents one of the largest in history and continues to grow. The obvious negative impact of the farm bills would reverberate environmentally, economically, and culturally within and beyond India, and evidentially the world ought to care. Modi’s continued neoliberal demarcation of land as a commodified resource to be privatized conflicts with conceptions of land as a way of life and cultural fabric for India’s farmers. However, the true exceptionality of the protests and its growing support relies on the distinctive nature of how they are conducted.
From this example, the global community must learn how to face growing ethnic nationalism and political divide with unified inclusivity on common ground, rather than contempt for the other. The protesters have collectively embraced diversity and broaden Indian identification beyond religious or political affiliation; similarly, we must broaden, rather than constrict, national identity in the context of globalization. Only when we adopt such collective pluralism will we overcome polarized populism.
Harleen Kaur Bal is a doctoral student of Sociocultural Anthropology at the University of California, Davis and the proud granddaughter of Punjabi farmers.
Grupo de Pesquisa Sul-Sur
Este grupo se insere numa das linhas de pesquisa do LABMUNDO-BA/NPGA/EA/UFBA, Laboratório de Análise Política Mundial, Bahia, do Núcleo de Pós-graduação da Escola de Administração da UFBA. O grupo é formado por pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento e de diferentes instituições públicas de ensino e pesquisa.
Buscamos nos apropriar do conhecimento das inter-relações das dinâmicas socioespaciais (políticas, econômicas, culturais) dos países da América do Sul, especialmente do Brasil, da Bolívia, da Argentina e do Chile, privilegiando a análise histórica, que nos permite captar as especificidades do chamado “subdesenvolvimento”, expressas, claramente, na organização das economias dos diversos povos, nos grupos sociais, no espaço.
Nosso campo de investigação dialoga com os campos da Geopolítica, Geografia Crítica, da Economia Política e da Ecologia Política. Pretendemos compreender as novas cartografias que vêm se desenhando na América do Sul nos dois circuitos da economia postulados por Milton Santos, o circuito inferior e o circuito superior. Construiremos, desse modo, algumas cartografias de ação, inspirados na proposta da socióloga Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro, especialmente dos diversos movimentos sociopolíticos dessa região, das últimas décadas do século XX à contemporaneidade.
Interessa-nos, sobretudo, a compreensão e a visibilidade das diferentes reações e movimentos dos países do Sul à dinâmica hegemônica global, os espaços de cooperação e integração criados, as potencialidades de criação de novos espaços e os seus significados para o fortalecimento da integração e da cooperação entre os países do Sul, do ponto de vista de outros paradigmas de civilização, a partir de uma epistemologia do sul. Através das cartografias de ação, buscamos perceber as antigas e novas formas de organização social e política, bem como os espaços de cooperação SUL-SUL aí gestados. Consideramos a integração e a cooperação Sul-Sul como espaços potenciais da construção de novos caminhos de civilização que superem a violência do desenvolvimento da forma em que ele é postulado e praticado.
Notícias
Africa
Agroecologia
Alienação
Amazônia
América Latina
Argentina
Arte
Bali
Biopirataria
Boaventura Sousa
Bolívia
Brasil
Buen Vivir
Campo Refugiados
Canada
Capitalismo
Chile
China
Ciência e Tecnologia
Cinema
Cisjordânia
Civilização
Colômbia
Colonialidade
Condição Feminina
Conflitos
Congresso
Corrupção
Crise
Crise Moral
Cuba
Democracia
Democrácia
Desemprego
Diplomacia Militar
Direitos Humanos
Ditadura Civil- Militar
Divida
Dívida Egíto
Droga
Drones
Ecologia
Economia
Educação
Educação Rural México
Empreendedorismo
Equador
Escravidão
Esquerda
Estado
Estados Unidos
EUA
Europa
Europeismo
Evasão de Capital
Exclusão
Exploração
Folclore
Forum Social
Fotografia
França
Futuro
Geografia Crítica
Geopolitica
Geopolítica
Gerencialismo
Golpe
Grécia
Greve
Guerra
História
humanidade
Ilhas Malvinas
Imigração
Imperialismo
Imprensa
Indígenas
Indústria
Industrialização. Brasil
Informação
Integração
Intervenção humanitária
Iran
Israel
Jornalismo
Literatura
Lombardia
Luta de Classe
Machismo
Marxismo
Medicina
Medos
Meio Ambiente
Mercosul
México
Mídia
Migrantes
Milícias kurdas
Mineração
Modelo Liberal Periférico
Montrèal
Movimento Estudantil
Movimentos Populares
Mulheres
Mundialização
Nazismo
Neocolonialismo
Neurociência
Noam Chomsky
Ocidente
ONG
Orçamento Público
Oriente Médio
Palestina
Paraguai
Pensamento
Peru
Pesamento Econômico
Petróleo
po
Poesia
Política
Políticas Neoliberais
Portugal
Precarização
Previdência
Produção Global
Questão Agrária
Redes de Computador
Refugiados
Relações Exteriores
Renda Básica
Renda Básica. Europa
Revolução
Russia
São Paulo
Saúde
Síria
Solidariedade
STF
Trabalho
Trabalho Infantil
Transnacionais
Tratado livre comércio
Universidade
Uruguai
Venezuela
violência
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