Do CounterPunch, Dezembro 9, 2019
Por KIRKPATRICK SALE
Photograph Source: A refugee camp north of Goma near the Rwandan border by Julien Harneis – CC BY-SA 2.0
Have you noticed? From Hong Kong to Baghdad, Paris to Tehran, 2019 is shaping up to be, as the New York Times dubbed it, “the year of the protest.” Violent—and often deadly—anti-government protests are breaking out throughout the world in an unprecedented fashion, in rich countries as well as poor, as people everywhere are expressing their anger at corrupt, inefficient, brutal, and unresponsive regimes.
But what isn’t so much in the news is worse—worse enough that they don’t want to tell you. At the moment, there are no less than 65 countries are now fighting wars—there are only 193 countries recognized by the United Nations, so that’s a third of the world. These are wars with modern weapons, organized troops, and serious casualties—five of them, like Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Somalia, and Yemen, with 10,000 or more deaths a year, another 15 with more than 1,000 a year—all of them causing disruptions and disintegrations of all normal political and economic systems, leaving no attacked nation in a condition to protect and provide for its citizens. From 2015 to 2019 more state-based conflicts were engaged in than at any time since World War II, with an estimated 1 million deaths in all.
In addition, there are at least 638 other conflicts between various insurgent and separatist militias, armed drug bands, and terrorist organizations, increasing each year as states fail or collapse completely.
What has made the wars and internal disputes even more egregious as the years go on is that chaotic weather has a direct effect on how societies function. Agriculture, of course, is impacted by higher temperatures, lack of rain, droughts, and wildfires, and crops have failed in many places over the last five years, including North and Central Africa, the Middle East, India, Pakistan, northern China, northern Europe, Argentina, Brazil, Central America, and even parts of North America. The collapse of Syria, for example, and subsequent civil wars were made more devastating if not directly caused by the drought of 2006-2011, in which 75 per cent of the farms failed and 85 per cent of the livestock died. And an official United Nations report in 2019, by 100 experts from 52 countries, warned that things will only get worse, with the world’s land and water resources exploited at “unprecedented rates,” threatening “the ability of humanity to feed itself.”
One obvious consequence, beyond death, famine, disease and starvation, is, as the U.N. report’s lead author says, “a massive pressure for migration,” a desperate attempt to find some refuge and relief when homes have been destroyed and families are uprooted. According to the United Nations, in what I regard as a certain undercount, in 2019 there were 272 million migrants worldwide, up from 258 million in 2017, with the weather in 2019 causing more refugees even than warfare. (The unprecedented crisis at the U.S. southern border in 2019 is only one manifestation of the porous and chaotic collapse of boundaries across the Americas, Africa, and most of Asia.) And meanwhile, the International Committee of the Red Cross in 2018 estimated that more than 100,000 people are simply “missing,” a figure it admits “represents only a fraction” of those who are unaccounted for by any government or organization.
Given the turmoil over wars and immigration threats, it is not surprising that half the world is without coherent government.
Organizations that track these things say that of the 174 covered nations, 76 are in various stages of collapse—that would be 43 per cent—and that excludes a dozen smaller nations that are locked into autocracy and poverty. These include seven completely failed states—Congo-Brazzaville, Central African Republic, Syria, Yemen, Somalia, South Sudan, and Venezuela—and another seven that are on the edge—Guinea, Haiti, Iraq, Zimbabwe, Afghanistan, Chad, and the Sudan—plus 19 that are in an “alert” category, meaning that some but not all government functions have failed, 15 in Africa and 4 in Asia.
In other words, many political systems in the world have effectively collapsed, people are dispossessed and without governments, and almost everywhere else, including the U.S. and Europe, governments are severely strained and political rifts abound. The vote for Brexit in the U.K., the election of Donald Trump (and the subsequent attempts to overturn it), the turmoil that erupted in December 2018 in France and Belgium, the continued protests in Poland were all examples of the population of developed nations coming to see that the attempt to establish capitalist-led democracies in an internationalist arrangement of benefit to corporate and banking interests just was not working, and a rising segment of what were called “deplorables” in America did not want any longer to be powerless, manipulated, and disdained. These turmoils also demonstrated that the established powers in these countries, especially the U.S. and Britain, resisted all of these attempts to change the status quo and in effect ignored or tried to thwart the popular will (cf. the “impeachment” farce)—the developed world’s form of the failed state. Those fissures have widened as the years have worn on, and as one astute observer, James Kunstler, put it in 2019, “The West is enduring paroxysms of political uproar and disenchantment.”
And here’s something weird that sums it all up. It is the opinion of two recent political scientists that “the state system seems to be failing all over the world,” and they have proposed a new study called “archy” to examine how to grow, maintain, and fund states so as to avert their collapse. No better evidence of the seriousness of the world’s “uproar and disenchantment” can there be when academics need to create a discipline to overcome it.
Yeats summed it up some years ago: “The center cannot hold. Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”
Kirkpatrick Sale’s new book The Collapse of 2020 will be published in January.
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Kirkpatrick Sale is the author of twelve books over fifty years and lives in Mt. Pleasant, South Carolina.
Grupo de Pesquisa Sul-Sur
Este grupo se insere numa das linhas de pesquisa do LABMUNDO-BA/NPGA/EA/UFBA, Laboratório de Análise Política Mundial, Bahia, do Núcleo de Pós-graduação da Escola de Administração da UFBA. O grupo é formado por pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento e de diferentes instituições públicas de ensino e pesquisa.
Buscamos nos apropriar do conhecimento das inter-relações das dinâmicas socioespaciais (políticas, econômicas, culturais) dos países da América do Sul, especialmente do Brasil, da Bolívia, da Argentina e do Chile, privilegiando a análise histórica, que nos permite captar as especificidades do chamado “subdesenvolvimento”, expressas, claramente, na organização das economias dos diversos povos, nos grupos sociais, no espaço.
Nosso campo de investigação dialoga com os campos da Geopolítica, Geografia Crítica, da Economia Política e da Ecologia Política. Pretendemos compreender as novas cartografias que vêm se desenhando na América do Sul nos dois circuitos da economia postulados por Milton Santos, o circuito inferior e o circuito superior. Construiremos, desse modo, algumas cartografias de ação, inspirados na proposta da socióloga Ana Clara Torres Ribeiro, especialmente dos diversos movimentos sociopolíticos dessa região, das últimas décadas do século XX à contemporaneidade.
Interessa-nos, sobretudo, a compreensão e a visibilidade das diferentes reações e movimentos dos países do Sul à dinâmica hegemônica global, os espaços de cooperação e integração criados, as potencialidades de criação de novos espaços e os seus significados para o fortalecimento da integração e da cooperação entre os países do Sul, do ponto de vista de outros paradigmas de civilização, a partir de uma epistemologia do sul. Através das cartografias de ação, buscamos perceber as antigas e novas formas de organização social e política, bem como os espaços de cooperação SUL-SUL aí gestados. Consideramos a integração e a cooperação Sul-Sul como espaços potenciais da construção de novos caminhos de civilização que superem a violência do desenvolvimento da forma em que ele é postulado e praticado.
Notícias
Africa
Agroecologia
Alienação
Amazônia
América Latina
Argentina
Arte
Bali
Biopirataria
Boaventura Sousa
Bolívia
Brasil
Buen Vivir
Campo Refugiados
Canada
Capitalismo
Chile
China
Ciência e Tecnologia
Cinema
Cisjordânia
Civilização
Colômbia
Colonialidade
Condição Feminina
Conflitos
Congresso
Corrupção
Crise
Crise Moral
Cuba
Democracia
Democrácia
Desemprego
Diplomacia Militar
Direitos Humanos
Ditadura Civil- Militar
Divida
Dívida Egíto
Droga
Drones
Ecologia
Economia
Educação
Educação Rural México
Empreendedorismo
Equador
Escravidão
Esquerda
Estado
Estados Unidos
EUA
Europa
Europeismo
Evasão de Capital
Exclusão
Exploração
Folclore
Forum Social
Fotografia
França
Futuro
Geografia Crítica
Geopolitica
Geopolítica
Gerencialismo
Golpe
Grécia
Greve
Guerra
História
humanidade
Ilhas Malvinas
Imigração
Imperialismo
Imprensa
Indígenas
Indústria
Industrialização. Brasil
Informação
Integração
Intervenção humanitária
Iran
Israel
Jornalismo
Literatura
Lombardia
Luta de Classe
Machismo
Marxismo
Medicina
Medos
Meio Ambiente
Mercosul
México
Mídia
Migrantes
Milícias kurdas
Mineração
Modelo Liberal Periférico
Montrèal
Movimento Estudantil
Movimentos Populares
Mulheres
Mundialização
Nazismo
Neocolonialismo
Neurociência
Noam Chomsky
Ocidente
ONG
Orçamento Público
Oriente Médio
Palestina
Paraguai
Pensamento
Peru
Pesamento Econômico
Petróleo
po
Poesia
Política
Políticas Neoliberais
Portugal
Precarização
Previdência
Produção Global
Questão Agrária
Redes de Computador
Refugiados
Relações Exteriores
Renda Básica
Renda Básica. Europa
Revolução
Russia
São Paulo
Saúde
Síria
Solidariedade
STF
Trabalho
Trabalho Infantil
Transnacionais
Tratado livre comércio
Universidade
Uruguai
Venezuela
violência
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